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(solution) Prepare at minimum a 1,800 word paper (no maximum) in which you


Prepare at minimum a 1,800 word paper (no maximum) in which you examine the discipline of social psychology. As a part of your examination, be sure to address the following items:

  • Define social psychology.
  • Discuss how social psychology differs from other related disciplines (e.g., clinical psychology, general psychology, sociology).
  • Explain the role of research in social psychology.
  • Choose one of the major famous experiments in Social Psychology's history and explain the relevance of it to social psychology (choose from: Milgram, Zimbardo, Asch, Sherif)
  • Choose a subfield of social psychology research and find recent research in the field and explain the importance of that research - it should be peer reviewed (from the library)
  • Any assignment that has more than 15% of the paper quoted (properly or improperly) will be subject to a point deduction.



    • You must use the textbook as part of your paper (files attached)
    • You must use exclusive peer reviewed research - no old textbooks, no websites, no encyclopedias, no dictionaries.  Using these resources will result in failing grades.
  • The proper use of APA formatting will be required 




Introducing Social Psychology

 

Chapter ? 1

 

?

 

?

 

?

 

?

 

?

 

? What is social psychology?

 

Social psychology?s big ideas

 

Social psychology and human values

 

I knew it all along: Is social psychology simply common

 

sense?

 

Research methods: How we do social psychology

 

Postscript: Why I wrote this book

 

There once was a man whose second wife was a vain and

 

selfish woman. This woman?s two daughters were similarly

 

vain and selfish. The man?s own daughter, however, was

 

meek and unselfish. This sweet, kind daughter, whom we all

 

know as Cinderella, learned early on that she should do as

 

she was told, accept ill treatment and insults, and avoid

 

doing anything to upstage her stepsisters and their mother.

 

But then, thanks to her fairy godmother, Cinderella was able

 

to escape her situation for an evening and attend a grand

 

ball, where she attracted the attention of a handsome prince.

 

When the love-struck prince later encountered Cinderella

 

back in her degrading home, he failed to recognize her.

 

Implausible? The folktale demands that we accept the power

 

of the situation. In the presence of her oppressive

 

stepmother, Cinderella was humble and unattractive. At the

 

ball, Cinderella felt more beautiful?and walked and talked

 

and smiled as if she were. In one situation, she cowered. In

 

the other, she charmed.

 

The French philosopher-novelist Jean-Paul Sartre (1946)

 

would have had no problem accepting the Cinderella

 

premise. We humans are ?first of all beings in a situation,? he

 

wrote. ?We cannot be distinguished from our situations, for

 

they form us and decide our possibilities? (pp. 59?60, paraphrased). What Is Social Psychology?

 

Social psychology is a science that studies the influences

 

of our situations, with special attention to how we view and

 

affect one another. More precisely, it is the scientific study of

 

how people think about, influence, and relate to one another

 

(Figure 1.1).

 

Figure 1.1 Social Psychology Is . . . Social psychology lies at psychology?s boundary with

 

sociology. Compared with sociology (the study of people in

 

groups and societies), social psychology focuses more on

 

individuals and uses more experimentation. Compared with

 

personality psychology, social psychology focuses less on

 

individuals? differences and more on how individuals, in

 

general, view and affect one another.

 

Social psychology is still a young science. The first social

 

psychology experiments were reported barely more than a ? ? century ago (1898), and the first social psychology texts did

 

not appear until just before and after 1900 (Smith, 2005). Not

 

until the 1930s did social psychology assume its current

 

form. And not until World War II did it begin to emerge as the

 

vibrant field it is today.

 

Throughout this book, sources for information are cited

 

parenthetically. The complete source is provided in the

 

reference section that begins on page R-1.

 

Social psychology studies our thinking, influence, and

 

relationships by asking questions that have intrigued us all.

 

Here are some examples:

 

How Much of Our Social World Is Just in Our Heads? As

 

we will see in later chapters, our social behavior varies not

 

just with the objective situation but also with how we

 

construe it. Social beliefs can be self-fulfilling. For example,

 

happily married people will attribute their spouse?s acid

 

remark (?Can?t you ever put that where it belongs??) to

 

something external (?He must have had a frustrating day?).

 

Unhappily married people will attribute the same remark to a

 

mean disposition (?Is he ever hostile!?) and may respond

 

with a counterattack. Moreover, expecting hostility from their

 

spouse, they may behave resentfully, thereby eliciting the

 

hostility they expect.

 

Would People Be Cruel If Ordered? How did Nazi

 

Germany conceive and implement the unconscionable

 

slaughter of 6 million Jews? Those evil acts occurred partly

 

because thousands of people followed orders. They put the

 

prisoners on trains, herded them into crowded ?showers,?

 

and poisoned them with gas. How could people engage in

 

such horrific actions? Were those individuals normal human

 

beings? Stanley Milgram (1974) wondered. So he set up a

 

situation where people were ordered to administer

 

increasing levels of electric shock to someone who was

 

having difficulty learning a series of words. As we will see in

 

Chapter 6, nearly two-thirds of the participants fully ? complied.

 

To Help? Or to Help Oneself? As bags of cash tumbled

 

from an armored truck one fall day, $2 million was scattered

 

along a Columbus, Ohio, street. Some motorists stopped to

 

help, returning $100,000. Judging from the $1,900,000 that

 

disappeared, many more stopped to help themselves. (What

 

would you have done?) When similar incidents occurred

 

several months later in San Francisco and Toronto, the

 

results were the same: Passersby grabbed most of the

 

money (Bowen, 1988). What situations trigger people to be

 

helpful or greedy? Do some cultural contexts?perhaps

 

villages and small towns?breed greater helpfulness? Tired of looking at the stars, Professor Mueller takes up social psychology.

 

Reprinted with permission of Jason Love at www.jasonlove.com. A common thread runs through these questions: They all

 

deal with how people view and affect one another. And that

 

is what social psychology is all about. Social psychologists

 

study attitudes and beliefs, conformity and independence,

 

love and hate. Social Psychology?s Big Ideas

 

What are social psychology?s big lessons?its overarching

 

themes? In many academic fields, the results of tens of

 

thousands of studies, the conclusions of thousands of

 

investigators, and the insights of hundreds of theorists can be boiled down to a few central ideas. Biology offers us

 

principles such as natural selection and adaptation.

 

Sociology builds on concepts such as social structure and

 

organization. Music harnesses our ideas of rhythm, melody,

 

and harmony.

 

What concepts are on social psychology?s short list of big

 

ideas? What themes, or fundamental principles, will be worth

 

remembering long after you have forgotten most of the

 

details? My short list of ?great ideas we ought never to

 

forget? includes these, each of which we will explore further

 

in chapters to come (Figure 1.2).

 

Figure 1.2 Some Big Ideas in Social Psychology We Construct Our Social Reality

 

We humans have an irresistible urge to explain behavior, to

 

attribute it to some cause, and therefore to make it seem

 

orderly, predictable, and controllable. You and I may react

 

differently to similar situations because we think differently.

 

How we react to a friend?s insult depends on whether we

 

attribute it to hostility or to a bad day.

 

A 1951 Princeton-Dartmouth football game provided a

 

classic demonstration of how we construct reality (Hastorf &

 

Cantril, 1954; see also Loy & Andrews, 1981). The game

 

lived up to its billing as a grudge match; it turned out to be

 

one of the roughest and dirtiest games in the history of either

 

school. A Princeton All-American was gang-tackled, piled on,

 

and finally forced out of the game with a broken nose.

 

Fistfights erupted, and there were further injuries on both

 

sides. The whole performance hardly fit the Ivy League

 

image of upper-class gentility.

 

Not long afterward, two psychologists, one from each school,

 

showed films of the game to students on each campus. The

 

students played the role of scientist-observer, noting each

 

infraction as they watched and who was responsible for it.

 

But they could not set aside their loyalties. The Princeton

 

students, for example, saw twice as many Dartmouth

 

violations as the Dartmouth students saw. The conclusion:

 

There is an objective reality out there, but we always view it

 

through the lens of our beliefs and values.

 

We are all intuitive scientists. We explain people?s behavior,

 

usually with enough speed and accuracy to suit our daily

 

needs. When someone?s behavior is consistent and

 

distinctive, we attribute that behavior to his or her

 

personality. For example, if you observe someone who

 

makes repeated snide comments, you may infer that this

 

person has a nasty disposition, and then you might try to

 

avoid the person. Our beliefs about ourselves also matter. Do we have an

 

optimistic outlook? Do we see ourselves as in control of

 

things? Do we view ourselves as relatively superior or

 

inferior? Our answers influence our emotions and actions.

 

How we construe the world, and ourselves, matters. Our Social Intuitions Are Often Powerful but

 

Sometimes Perilous

 

Our instant intuitions shape our fears (is flying dangerous?),

 

impressions (can I trust him?), and relationships (does she

 

like me?). Intuitions influence presidents in times of crisis,

 

gamblers at the table, jurors assessing guilt, and personnel

 

directors screening applicants. Such intuitions are

 

commonplace.

 

Indeed, psychological science reveals a fascinating

 

unconscious mind?an intuitive backstage mind?that Freud

 

never told us about. More than psychologists realized until

 

recently, thinking occurs offstage, out of sight. Our intuitive

 

capacities are revealed by studies of what later chapters will

 

explain: ?automatic processing,? ?implicit memory,?

 

?heuristics,? ?spontaneous trait inference,? instant emotions,

 

and nonverbal communication. Thinking, memory, and

 

attitudes all operate on two levels?one conscious and

 

deliberate, the other unconscious and automatic. ?Dual

 

processing,? today?s researchers call it. We know more than

 

we know we know.

 

Intuition is huge, but intuition is also perilous. An example:

 

As we cruise through life, mostly on automatic pilot, we

 

intuitively judge the likelihood of things by how easily various

 

instances come to mind. Especially since September 11,

 

2001, we carry readily available mental images of plane

 

crashes. Thus, most people fear flying more than driving,

 

and many will drive great distances to avoid risking the

 

skies. Actually, we?re many times safer (per mile traveled) in

 

a commercial plane than in a motor vehicle (in the United States, air travel was 230 times safer between 2002 and

 

2005, reports the National Safety Council [2008]). Social cognition matters. Our behavior is influenced not just by the

 

objective situation, but also by how we construe it.

 

© The New Yorker Collection, 2005, Lee Lorenz, from cartoonbank.com.

 

All Rights Reserved. Even our intuitions about ourselves often err. We intuitively

 

trust our memories more than we should. We misread our

 

own minds; in experiments, we deny being affected by things

 

that do influence us. We mispredict our own feelings?how

 

bad we?ll feel a year from now if we lose our job or our

 

romance breaks up, and how good we?ll feel a year from

 

now, or even a week from now, if we win our state?s lottery.

 

And we often mispredict our own future. For example, when

 

selecting clothes, people approaching middle age will still

 

buy snug (?I anticipate shedding a few pounds?); rarely does

 

anyone say, more realistically, ?I?d better buy a relatively

 

loose fit; people my age tend to put on pounds.?

 

Our social intuitions, then, are noteworthy for both their

 

powers and their perils. By reminding us of intuition?s gifts

 

and alerting us to its pitfalls, social psychologists aim to

 

fortify our thinking. In most situations, ?fast and frugal? snap

 

judgments serve us well enough. But in others, where accuracy matters?as when needing to fear the right things

 

and spend our resources accordingly?we had best restrain

 

our impulsive intuitions with critical thinking. Our intuitions

 

and unconscious information processing are routinely

 

powerful and sometimes perilous. Social Influences Shape Our Behavior

 

We are, as Aristotle long ago observed, social animals. We

 

speak and think in words we learned from others. We long to

 

connect, to belong, and to be well thought of. Matthias Mehl

 

and James Pennebaker (2003) quantified their University of

 

Texas students? social behavior by inviting them to wear

 

microcassette recorders and microphones. Once every 12

 

minutes during their waking hours, the computer-operated

 

recorder would imperceptibly record for 30 seconds.

 

Although the observation period covered only weekdays

 

(including class time), almost 30 percent of the students?

 

time was spent in conversation. Relationships are a large

 

part of being human.

 

As social creatures, we respond to our immediate contexts.

 

Sometimes the power of a social situation leads us to act

 

contrary to our expressed attitudes. Indeed, powerfully evil

 

situations sometimes overwhelm good intentions, inducing

 

people to agree with falsehoods or comply with cruelty.

 

Under Nazi influence, many decent-seeming people became

 

instruments of the Holocaust. Other situations may elicit

 

great generosity and compassion. After the 9/11 catastrophe,

 

New York City was overwhelmed with donations of food,

 

clothing, and help from eager volunteers.

 

The power of the situation was also dramatically evident in

 

varying attitudes toward the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Opinion

 

polls revealed that Americans and Israelis overwhelmingly

 

favored the war. Their distant cousins elsewhere in the world

 

overwhelmingly opposed it. Tell me where you live and I?ll

 

make a reasonable guess as to what your attitudes were as ?

 

? ?

 

? the war began. Tell me your educational level and what

 

media you watch and read, and I?ll make an even more

 

confident guess. Our situations matter.

 

Our cultures help define our situations. For example, our

 

standards regarding promptness, frankness, and clothing

 

vary with our culture.

 

Whether you prefer a slim or voluptuous body depends on

 

when and where in the world you live.

 

Whether you define social justice as equality (all receive the

 

same) or as equity (those who earn more receive more)

 

depends on whether your ideology has been shaped more

 

by socialism or by capitalism.

 

Whether you tend to be expressive or reserved, casual or

 

formal, hinges partly on your culture and your ethnicity.

 

Whether you focus primarily on yourself?your personal

 

needs, desires, and morality?or on your family, clan, and

 

communal groups depends on how much you are a product

 

of modern Western individualism.

 

Social psychologist Hazel Markus (2005) sums it up: ?People

 

are, above all, malleable.? Said differently, we adapt to our

 

social context. Our attitudes and behavior are shaped by

 

external social forces. Personal Attitudes and Dispositions Also

 

Shape Behavior

 

Internal forces also matter. We are not passive

 

tumbleweeds, merely blown this way and that by the social

 

winds. Our inner attitudes affect our behavior. Our political

 

attitudes influence our voting behavior. Our smoking

 

attitudes influence our susceptibility to peer pressures to

 

smoke. Our attitudes toward the poor influence our

 

willingness to help them. (As we will see, our attitudes also

 

follow our behavior, which leads us to believe strongly in

 

those things we have committed ourselves to or suffered for.)

 

Personality dispositions also affect behavior. Facing the same situation, different people may react differently.

 

Emerging from years of political imprisonment, one person

 

exudes bitterness and seeks revenge. Another, such as

 

South Africa?s Nelson Mandela, seeks reconciliation and

 

unity with his former enemies. Attitudes and personality

 

influence behavior. Social Behavior Is Biologically Rooted

 

Twenty-first-century social psychology is providing us with

 

ever-growing insights into our behavior?s biological

 

foundations. Many of our social behaviors reflect a deep

 

biological wisdom.

 

Everyone who has taken introductory psychology has

 

learned that nature and nurture together form who we are.

 

As the area of a rectangle is determined by both its length

 

and its width, so do biology and experience together create

 

us. As evolutionary psychologists remind us (see Chapter

 

5), our inherited human nature predisposes us to behave in

 

ways that helped our ancestors survive and reproduce. We

 

carry the genes of those whose traits enabled them and their

 

children to survive and reproduce. Thus, evolutionary

 

psychologists ask how natural selection might predispose

 

our actions and reactions when dating and mating, hating

 

and hurting, caring and sharing. Nature also endows us with

 

an enormous capacity to learn and to adapt to varied

 

environments. We are sensitive and responsive to our social

 

context.

 

If every psychological event (every thought, every emotion,

 

every behavior) is simultaneously a biological event, then we

 

can also examine the neurobiology that underlies social

 

behavior. What brain areas enable our experiences of love

 

and contempt, helping and aggression, perception and

 

belief? How do brain, mind, and behavior function together

 

as one coordinated system? What does the timing of brain

 

events reveal about how we process information? Such questions are asked by those in social neuroscience

 

(Cacioppo & others, 2007).

 

Social neuroscientists do not reduce complex social

 

behaviors, such as helping and hurting, to simple neural or

 

molecular mechanisms. Their point is this: To understand

 

social behavior, we must consider both under-the-skin

 

(biological) and between-skins (social) influences. Mind and

 

body are one grand system. Stress hormones affect how we

 

feel and act. Social ostracism elevates blood pressure.

 

Social support strengthens the disease-fighting immune

 

system. We are bio-psycho-social organisms. We reflect

 

the interplay of our biological, psychological, and social

 

influences. And that is why today?s psychologists study

 

behavior from these different levels of analysis. Social Psychology?s Principles Are Applicable

 

in Everyday Life

 

Social psychology has the potential to illuminate your life, to

 

make visible the subtle influences that guide your thinking

 

and acting. And, as we will see, it offers many ideas about

 

how to know ourselves better, how to win friends and

 

influence people, how to transform closed fists into open

 

arms.

 

Scholars are also applying social psychological insights.

 

Principles of social thinking, social influence, and social

 

relations have implications for human health and well-being,

 

for judicial procedures and juror decisions in courtrooms,

 

and for influencing behaviors that will enable an

 

environmentally sustainable human future.

 

As but one perspective on human existence, psychological

 

science does not seek to engage life?s ultimate questions:

 

What is the meaning of human life? What should be our

 

purpose? What is our ultimate destiny? But social

 

psychology does give us a method for asking and answering

 

some exceedingly interesting and important questions. ?

 

?

 

?

 

? Social psychology is all about life?your life: your beliefs,

 

your attitudes, your relationships.

 

The rest of this chapter takes us inside social psychology.

 

Let?s first consider how social psychologists? own values

 

influence their work in obvious and subtle ways. And then

 

let?s focus on this chapter?s biggest task: glimpsing how we

 

do social psychology. How do social psychologists search for

 

explanations of social thinking, social influence, and social

 

relations? And how might you and I use these analytical

 

tools to think smarter?

 

Throughout this book, a brief summary will conclude each

 

major section. I hope these summaries will help you assess

 

how well you have learned the material in each section.

 

Summing Up: Social Psychology?s Big Ideas

 

Social psychology is the scientific study of how people think

 

about, influence, and relate to one another. Its central

 

themes include the following:

 

How we construe our social worlds

 

How our social intuitions guide and sometimes deceive us

 

How our social behavior is shaped by other people, by our

 

attitudes and personalities, and by our biology

 

How social psychology?s principles apply to our everyday

 

lives and to various other fields of study Social Psychology and Human

 

Values

 

Social psychologists? values penetrate their work in ways

 

both obvious and subtle. What are such ways?

 

Social psychology is less a collection of findings than a set of

 

strategies for answering questions. In science, as in courts

 

of law, personal opinions are inadmissible. When ideas are

 

put on trial, evidence determines the verdict.

 

But are social psychologists really that objective? Because

 

they are human beings, don?t their values?their personal

 

convictions about what is desirable and how people ought to behave?seep into their work? If so, can social psychology

 

really be scientific? Obvious Ways Values Enter Psychology

 

Values enter the picture when social psychologists choose

 

research topics. It was no accident that the study of

 

prejudice flourished during the 1940s as fascism raged in

 

Europe; that the 1950s, a time of look-alike fashions and

 

intolerance of differing views, gave us studies of conformity;

 

that the 1960s saw interest in aggression increase with riots

 

and rising crime rates; that the feminist movement of the

 

1970s helped stimulate a wave of research on gender and

 

sexism; that the 1980s offered a resurgence of attention to

 

psychological aspects of the arms race; and that the 1990s

 

and the early twenty-first century were marked by

 

heightened interest in how people respond to diversity in

 

culture, race, and sexual orientation. Social psychology

 

reflects social history (Kagan, 2009).

 

Values differ not only across time but also across cultures. In

 

Europe, people take pride in their nationalities. The Scots

 

are more self-consciously distinct from the English, and the

 

Austrians from the Germans, than are similarly adjacent

 

Michiganders from Ohioans. Consequently, Europe has

 

given us a major theory of ?social identity,? whereas

 

American social psychologists have focused more on

 

individuals?how one person thinks about others, is

 

influenced by them, and relates to them (Fiske, 2004; Tajfel,

 

1981; Turner, 1984). Australian social psychologists have

 

drawn theories and methods from both Europe and North

 

America (Feather, 2005).

 

Values also influence the types of people who are attracted

 

to various disciplines (Campbell, 1975a; Moynihan, 1979). At

 

your school, do the students majoring in the humanities, the

 

arts, the natural sciences, and the social sciences differ

 

noticeably from one another? Do social psychology and sociology attract people who are?for example?relatively

 

eager to challenge tradition, people more inclined to shape

 

the future than preserve the past? Different sciences offer different perspectives.

 

ScienceCartoonsPlus.com Finally, values obviously enter the picture as the object of

 

social-psychological analysis. Social psychologists

 

investigate how values form, why they change, and how they

 

influence attitudes and actions. None of that, however, tells

 

us which values are ?right.? Not-So-Obvious Ways Values Enter Psychology

 

We less often recognize the subtler ways in which value

 

commitments masquerade as objective truth. Consider three

 

not-so-obvious ways values enter psychology.

 

The Subjective Aspects of Science

 

Scientists and philosophers now agree: Science is not purely

 

objective. Scientists do not simply read the book of nature.

 

Rather, they interpret nature, using their own mental

 

categories. In our daily lives, too, we view the world through

 

the lens of our preconceptions. Pause a moment: What do

 

you see in Figure 1.3? Can you see a Dalmatian sniffing the

 

ground at the picture?s center? Without that preconception,

 

most people are blind to the Dalmatian. Once your mind

 

grasps the concept, it informs your interpretation of the

 

picture?so much so that it becomes difficult not to see the

 

dog.

 

Figure 1.3 What Do You See? R. C. James ?Science does not simply

 

describe and explain nature;

 

it is part of the interplay

 

between nature and

 

ourselves; it describes

 

nature as exposed to our

 

method of questioning.?

 

WERNER HEISENBERG,

 

PHYSICS AND

 

PHILOSOPHY, 1958 This is the way our minds work. While reading these words,

 

you have been unaware that you are also looking at your

 

nose. Your mind blocks from awareness something that is

 

there, if only you were predisposed to perceive it. This

 

tendency to prejudge reality based on our expectations is a

 

basic fact about the human mind.

 

Because scholars at work in any given area often share a

 

common viewpoint or come from the same culture, their

 

assumptions may go unchallenged. What we take for

 

granted?the shared beliefs that some European social

 

psychologists call our social representations (Augoustinos

 

& Innes, 1990; Moscovici, 1988, 2001)?are often our most

 

important yet most unexamined convictions. Sometimes,

 

however, someone from outside the camp will call attention

 

to those assumptions. During the 1980s feminists and

 

Marxists exposed some of social psychology?s unexamined

 

assumptions. Feminist critics called attention to subtle

 

biases?for example, the political conservatism of some

 

scientists who favored a biological interpretation of gender ? differences in social behavior (Unger, 1985). Marxist critics

 

called attention to competitive, individualist biases?for

 

example, the assumption that conformity is bad and that

 

individual rewards are good. Marxists and feminists, of

 

course, make their own assumptions, as critics of academic

 

?political correctness? are fond of noting. Social psychologist

 

Le...

 


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